INTRODUCTION

While theories of practice have been influential in the social sciences, much applied and empirical consumer research tends to investigate the choices and actions of discrete individuals or groups of consumers instead of analyzing the routines, engagements and performances that constitute social life. In contrast to the common usage of the term, such as in the phrase “best practices,” theoreticians of social practice contend that structure, agency, and the dynamic relationship between individuals and the market should be the starting point for research. Therefore, from this point of view, consumers and consumption should be investigated through the study of practice: study not cell phone users, but cellphoning (Shove, Watson, Hand, and Ingram 2007). A common heuristic for the analysis of practice is a tripartite scheme, variously described as objects, meanings, and doings (Magaudda 2011, Arsel and Bean 2013) stuff, images, and skills (Scott, Bakker, and Quist 2012), or equipment, images, and competencies (Shove and Pantzar 2005). Despite the promise of the practice theoretical approach in applied contexts, these frameworks have seen limited application in ethnographic and applied inquiry, in part because few methods for carrying out practice theoretical research have been elaborated. Furthermore, although linking up ethnographic studies with broader patterns of practice could help to better illuminate cultural patterns, few ethnographic and applied researchers combine ethnographic methods, such as long interviews, with the visual and textual data generated and used on sites such as Pinterest, Facebook, and popular blogs. We contend online media can provide data on the patterning and distribution of existing and emergent practices that would otherwise be difficult to ascertain through traditional ethnographic practice. Our paper addresses these two opportunities by outlining a method for dealing with the large amount of text and image data found on a popular blog.

CONTEXT

The example used in this paper is Apartment Therapy, which started in 2004 as a blog and has since become a media brand focusing on domestic consumption. Whereas Martha Stewart invokes picket fence perfectionism (Golec 2006), the aesthetic of Apartment Therapy is soft modernism, a blend of the elitist form-follows-function ethos of high modernism that incorporated the popular preference for restrained use of color and the pursuit of comfort and warmth (Gebhard 1995). For example, Le Corbusier and Mies van der Rohe represent high modernism; Crate and Barrel and IKEA use soft modernism to sell home goods to middle-class consumers. To these consumers, soft modernism serves an important economic function by winnowing a consumer’s choices to a set that is not only more manageable, but also more likely to meet with broader acceptance—and thus garner higher value when a home is resold (Rosenberg 2011). As a central conduit for the communication of soft modernism, Apartment Therapy appeals to the young, relatively affluent consumer actively seeking advice on all aspects of domestic practice. Started as a home design blog, it quickly established sites focused on cooking, parenting, home technology, and green living, emerging as a powerful media force with greater reach than Martha Stewart Living, Sunset, and other well-read shelter magazines.

The challenge of observing soft modernism at work

The method we discuss emerged from a logical necessity to incorporate content from the Apartment Therapy blog site into an ethnographic study on the readers of the blog. The rich narrative and visual imagery of blogs well complements ethnographic analysis because blogs are public and spontaneous representations of everyday practice (Arsel and Zhao 2013).

These narratives are encoded in mass mediated representations and are shared stories that are typically understood as representing and providing the meaning component of a practice. They can be complex and even contradictory, such as that surrounding the Hummer SUV brand in the US (Luedicke, Thompson, and Giesler, 2010), or simple, such as a shared understanding that an Apple iPod makes an ideal gift. As the iPod example makes clear, however, cultural narratives also can influence actions—in this case, the giving of iPods. This, in turn, can create shifts in the alignments of objects, meanings, and doings that constitute a practice (Magaudda 2011). Therefore, it is essential to understand the range and trajectory of broader cultural narratives and to incorporate this understanding into ethnographic analysis.

One way of thinking of mediated cultural representations is to see them as maps of the circuit of a practice, where the boundaries and limitations of the circuit are drawn, held and tested. One might expect a blog like Apartment Therapy to employ a complex system of editorial guidelines and approval procedures, but a surprise early in the research was the lack of centralized oversight over the discourse. At the time of our research, however, the bulk of Apartment Therapy’s content came from a collection of freelance bloggers who were paid per post. Rather than edit and approve individual posts, Apartment Therapy employed a tryout process where interested bloggers would submit a series of sample posts. These posts would run on the blog and editors would choose which freelancer to hire permanently. To be hired, a freelancer had to exhibit not only an affinity to the linguistic style of the blog, but also a familiarity with the aesthetic sense of soft modernism. Thus, we contend that the posts on Apartment Therapy and similar blogs can be read as the material evidence and expression of the embodiment of an organic, self-referential, and continuous narrative.

As one might imagine, the quantity of information on blogs, while not approaching that of big data, can overwhelm typical qualitative methods of analysis. To address this problem, we provide below practical guidance on how to collect, store, organize and analyze large and potentially messy data sets. First, we describe a method used to automate the extraction and formatting of a database of nearly 2 gigabytes (about 55,000 blog posts) of text and image data. Second, we walk the audience through the use of database software to archive and organize the textual and visual content of blogs. Third, we discuss how to use natural language processing software to generate and analyze a corpus of textual blog content. Fourth, we show how this process can bolster qualitative analysis and help to identify illustrative sample posts from the collected data.

Extracting data from blogs

The first step is to create an offline archive of blog content. Before starting any kind of analysis, it is essential to clean the data to avoid clutter and to increase efficiency. This can be done in one of two ways: either manually—by a human manipulating a computer and saving each blog post to a separate electronic file—or it can be automated to some extent with a program that automatically download all web content by pointing the program at the blog’s archive pages, which list all past posts by month or by category. Automating the process of creating an offline archive, however, may take some ingenuity, especially because server-side blog software has changed, and not all blogs have easily accessed archives. With the advent of so-called “endless” scrolling and image-driven microblogging formats such as Tumblr, there may be some unavoidable manual labor to create a list of links to all past posts. That said, you may be able to find software such as TumblRipper, which can be used to create offline archives of image content. Note that it is a violation of the terms of service of many commercial blogs to download large amounts of content, so your project may require special permission of the blog’s owner.

FIGURE 1. LIMITS. The Limits tab on SiteSucker’s settings panel, shown here, allows the user to specify how many levels are downloaded. Setting the maximum number of levels to 1 means that the program will download the web page to which it is pointed and all content linked to on that page, then stop.

FIGURE 2. OPTIONS. The General Tab, also in SiteSucker’s preferences, allows you to specify if the program should download files only on the same server to which it is pointed, or if it should download files regardless of location on the web. Localize, the default setting for HTML Processing, changes code in the files you download so images can be viewed offline and pages link to the offline version rather than back to the original server.